Showing posts sorted by relevance for query scalia. Sort by date Show all posts
Showing posts sorted by relevance for query scalia. Sort by date Show all posts

July 29, 2012

6 highlights from Chris Wallace's great interview with Justice Scalia.

From the transcript of this morning's Fox News Sunday (and video).

1. Obamacare. Since Scalia is on the show to promote his new book, Wallace duly begins with a quote from the book: "A statute should be interpreted in a way that avoids placing its constitutionality in doubt." Now, doesn't that undercut Scalia's criticism of Chief Justice Roberts's decision in the Obamacare case? Roberts found that what was called a "penalty" (for failure to acquire health insurance) was actually a tax, and reading the statute that way avoided the constitutional problem. Scalia responded that his principle of interpretation only allows the judge "to find a meaning that the language will bear":
You don't interpret a penalty to be a pig. It can't be a pig. And what my dissent said in the... Affordable Care Act was simply that there is no way to regard this penalty as a tax. It simply doesn't bear that meaning. You cannot give -- in order to save the constitutionality, you cannot give the text a meaning it will not bear.
How does one know what the language will bear and will not bear? Yes, it's not a pig, but why isn't it a tax? There wasn't any pursuit of that line of inquiry, but later in the interview, Wallace came back to the case, that time to ask about the new reports that said Roberts changed his mind in the middle of working on the Obamacare opinion. Wallace introduced the topic by asking if Scalia himself had ever changed his mind after voting in conference. Scalia said:

June 26, 2015

"The substance of today’s decree is not of immense personal importance to me," says Justice Scalia...

... beginning his dissenting opinion in Obergefell v. Hodges, today's same-sex marriage case. Scalia is joined by Justice Thomas, and Thomas also has a separate dissenting opinion, joined by Scalia.

The Chief Justice also has a dissenting opinion, joined by Scalia and Thomas. And Justice Alito has a dissenting opinion, joined by Scalia and Thomas. So Scalia and Thomas are on all 4 dissenting opinions, and the Chief and Alito are only on their own. That's a lot to sift through, and I'm going to do each of the dissenting opinions in separate posts. This is the Scalia post. I'm doing it first because I bet it's the most clearly written, and I expect to enjoy reading it (even though I'm a longtime supporter of same-sex marriage, and I think it was time for the Court to take a position on the right and end the disuniformity, and I think the majority opinion, discussed 2 posts down, is a worthy and competent application of the case law).

Justice Scalia has long objected to the Court's substantive due process cases, and that's what he does again here today. He thinks the Court is acting like a legislature when it protects the substance of fundamental liberties — he writes "liberties," in quotes — "that the Constitution and its Amendments neglect to mention." He writes that the people were doing a good job working through the same-sex marriage issue. It's been "American democracy at its best."

In a straining-to-be-memorable passage, Justice Scalia says the majority hides its usurpation of power "beneath the mummeries and straining-to-be-memorable passages of the opinion."  (A "mummery" is a "Ridiculous ceremony (formerly used esp. of religious ritual regarded as pretentious or hypocritical).") That's from the OED, which gives an example of the word from Frederick Lewis Allen's 1931 book "Only Yesterday/An Informal History of the 1920's": "[The Ku Klux Klan's] white robe and hood, its flaming cross, its secrecy, and the preposterous vocabulary of its ritual could be made the vehicle for all that infantile love of hocus-pocus and mummery, that lust for secret adventure, which survives in the adult whose lot is cast in drab places.")

Justice Scalia criticizes the majority's failure to stick to history as it delineates what liberties get protected as fundamental. You can see in the earlier post that Justice Kennedy set out 4 reasons that underlie the right-to-marry cases and that, he says, apply equally well to same-sex couples. Scalia does not try to distinguish same-sex and opposite-sex couples on these 4 points. He objects to talking about fundamental liberty in these terms at all, repeating over and over that the judges are acting like legislators. Even if it were acceptable for judges to make legislative decisions, the Supreme Court would be terribly unrepresentative of the people of the United States, Scalia says, because they are all lawyers, they all studied at the same 2 law schools (Harvard and Yale), not one is a Protestant Christian, and (except for one) they are all (as we say in Wisconsin) coasties.

Justice Scalia expresses astonishment at "the hubris reflected in today’s judicial Putsch." A "Putsch" is "An attempt to overthrow a government, esp. by violent means; an insurrection or coup d'état." That's the OED. "Hubris" is "o’erweening pride; and pride, we know, goeth before a fall." That's Scalia himself.

He complains that the "style" of the opinion "egotistic" — partaking of the "extravagances" ordinarily found in (ahem) dissenting opinions. He's especially bothered by: "The nature of marriage is that, through its enduring bond, two persons together can find other freedoms, such as expression, intimacy, and spirituality." "Really?," he responds. "Who ever thought that intimacy and spirituality [whatever that means] were freedoms? And if intimacy is, one would think Freedom of Intimacy is abridged rather than expanded by marriage. Ask the nearest hippie."

I misread "Ask the nearest hippie" when I glanced at it earlier. I thought he was accusing the majority of being so sloppy about finding the meaning of freedom that it was equivalent to asking the nearest hippie. But he was joking about marriage. Hippie voice: Marriage as freedom?! That's freaked-out, man. Marriage is the death of freedom.

Justice Scalia picks on a line that I thought, see below, was especially opaque: rights come from "a better informed understanding of how constitutional imperatives define a liberty that remains urgent in our own era." His response is "Huh? How can a better informed understanding of how constitutional imperatives [whatever that means] define [whatever that means] an urgent liberty [never mind], give birth to a right?" That "stuff" isn't the "clear thinking and sober analysis" that belongs in a court opinion.

These are all familiar Scalia ideas. I get the impression he banged this one out pretty casually, making observations he's made many times before, in other opinions and in his many speeches. I'll hazard to say he's made his peace with same-sex marriage. He saw it coming long ago, and he's not upset about the social change. It's not of immense personal importance to me.

July 19, 2012

Piers Morgan interviews Justice Scalia, the expert on text, who catches some adverbs and misses some adjectives.

From the transcript:
MORGAN: You are a man that believes fundamentally that the law in America should be based rigidly on the letter of the Constitution. That's what you believe, isn't it, fundamentally?

SCALIA: Yes, give or take a little. Rigidly I would not say. But it should be based on the text of the Constitution, reasonably interpreted....

MORGAN: Why were you so violently opposed to [Roe v. Wade]?

SCALIA: I -- I wouldn't say violently. I'm a peaceful man.
Don't think you can slip those adverbs in on Scalia!
SCALIA: You mean adamantly opposed.

MORGAN: Adamantly.

SCALIA: Adamantly.
He'll provide his own adverbs. He does his judging adamantly and reasonably. Not rigidly and violently!

November 13, 2004

The President and the Supreme Court.

Jeffrey Rosen has a Week in Review piece in tomorrow's NYT that looks at what sort of Supreme Court President Bush may be able to produce in the next four years. "Strict constructionism" and "originalism" are discussed, and then comes this part about what the Times loves to call the "federalism revolution."
In 1995, for the first time since the New Deal, the court said there were limits on Congress's power to regulate interstate commerce. And since then, the court has struck down 33 federal laws. During its first 70 years of existence, the court invalidated only two.
33 federal statutes have been stricken down on federalism grounds? There are two cases that strike down parts of federal statutes on the ground that they are beyond the scope of the Commerce Power! There are a few more federalism cases, but 33? Does Rosen just mean 33 federal statutes have been stricken down on all sorts of grounds, including the constitutional rights grounds that were favored by judges of the Warren Court era? And why compare the current Court to the earliest days of the Supreme Court. People love to point out how few laws were stricken down in those early years, but it says very little about the level of activism of this Court. Compare this Court to another Court of the modern era, when federal statutes are plentiful and courts feel secure in the role of judicial review. Rosen raises the alarm:
[T]he federalism revolution hasn't quite delivered what conservatives hoped. Each time the court's strict constructionist justices have appeared on the brink of striking down environmental laws or health and safety laws, the moderates, Justice O'Connor and Justice Kennedy, have stepped back from the brink. They are less willing to overturn 60-year-old precedents that might strike at the core of the regulatory state. "If the 'Constitution in exile' were taken seriously, a lot of environmental regulation could be under attack, occupational safety and health regulation, even possibly some securities regulation," said David Strauss, a law professor at the University of Chicago. "Minimum wage and maximum hours laws? You never know."
The reader is urged to picture a "brink" -- a precipice up there that we would have tumbled over already if not for "the moderates" O'Connor and Kennedy. Without moderates nailing down the center -- we're left to think -- the Court would roll things back to the way they were when FDR proposed his Court-packing plan (reviving the so-called "Constitution in exile").
[F]ormer administration officials say all of the names on Mr. Bush's short list for the Supreme Court are considered strict constructionists who are closer to Justice Scalia than to Justice O'Connor. "An entire generation of lawyers have been reared and trained in Justice Scalia's philosophy," said Jack Goldsmith, a professor at Harvard Law School, who led the second President Bush's Office of Legal Counsel after Mr. Yoo. "So the Bush administration is likely to be more successful than its predecessors in finding reliably conservative nominees."
I very much doubt that many law students are being "reared and trained" to think like Justice Scalia! My sense is that the Warren Court vision of constitutional law still prevails among law professors. In fact, it's probably safe to guess that Justice Scalia's positions are routinely derided in most law school classrooms! It is true at least that students have read the conservative Supreme Court opinions (though I bet they were informed by their lawprofs about how wrong and bad these decisions are) and they have been able to participate in the Federalist Society if they wanted to pursue the conservative viewpoint. But the liberal position continues to dominate. That said, I'm sure President Bush will be looking for conservative Justices -- not moderates like O'Connor and Kennedy -- and that he will be able to find them. But it is alarmist to suggest that these people would radically dismantle federal law, tossing out statutes like those that protect the environment and guarantee minimum wages at a shocking new rate. UPDATE: Law students or recent law students are welcome to send me their observations. For example, I just received this from one law student:
[A]s for law students being reared and trained in Justice Scalia's philosophy, I'd be shocked out of my socks if there were a professor in my law school who doesn't think Scalia is a wacko and curmudgeon who is blind to the "realities of the situation." Every SCOTUS case we've ever discussed (now halfway through my second year), the professor criticizes the Scalia opinion, sometimes to the exclusion of discussion of the majority opinion! So, you are EXACTLY right. And keep in mind that [state name deleted] is probably the reddest of the Red States. If he's that despised here, I can't imagine it's any better anywhere else.
ANOTHER UPDATE: More email:
Well, I graduated from law school in 1996, so maybe that's not "recent" but it's a good deal more recent than anyone who's likely to be considered for a Supreme Court appointment in the next four years. I can certainly tell you that professors at Harvard Law School were very much interested in presenting Scalia's views but equally interested in deriding them, to the point that my first-year criminal law class actually sent a petition to Justice Scalia to come and give us the other side of the story. This being Harvard, he did just that and had a toe-to-toe debate with our professor, Alan Dershowitz. Suffice to say that they did not agree on much. On the other hand, the existence of the Federalist Society certainly does give young lawyers a sufficient exposure to a comprehensive Scalia-like judicial philosophy that you can expect to see more and more people who can be depended upon by Republican presidents to be genuine Scalia-like conservatives. So Rosen's essential point isn't all that off the mark.
I agree with that second-to-the-last sentence, as my original post shows. But Rosen is overeager to make a point and in the process drags in much dubious information. My post doesn't even begin to deal with the blather about "strict constructionism," which Scalia himself makes a big point of disavowing

YET ANOTHER UPDATE: Another email:
I can affirmatively assert that at my school, the University of Chicago (I'm the class of '00), the professors took Scalia very seriously. Some seemed to disapprove of originalism, others rather liked it. But everyone ... approached Scalia and originalism as a vital form of constitutional jurisprudence.... [at Chicago], Scalia's writings and teachings -- along with law and economics and formalism and feminist jurisprudence and other theories -- are certainly taught and treated with respect. And why wouldn't they be? Scalia, like many other originalists, are federal court judges after all. It would be pretty silly to train lawyers to exercise contempt toward a judicial philosophy that moves so many of the arbiters of the lawyers' future clients' cases.
The emailer is quite right (and lucky to have gone to Chicago). One of the reasons I became a law professor was to find for myself the experience I felt I was denied as a law student: exploring the full scope of the debate about law. STILL MORE: No Oil For Pacifists writes about his experience in law school in the early 80s:
I was one of the few conservatives in law school. My views were tolerated at best, derided at worst. I remember a First Amendment course taught by an old-time socialist. He was smart and funny, but increasingly frustrated with my interjections. So, after calling on me about halfway through the semester, he paused for a few seconds, put hands on hips, and said "Carl--you're a wrong thinker and should be liquidated." He never solicited my views again.
He probably thought he was being hilarious--and perhaps that conservatives have no feelings so why not torment them and have fun at their expense?

February 14, 2016

"We disagreed now and then, but when I wrote for the Court and received a Scalia dissent, the opinion ultimately released was notably better than my initial circulation."

"Justice Scalia nailed all the weak spots—the 'applesauce' and 'argle bargle'—and gave me just what I needed to strengthen the majority opinion. He was a jurist of captivating brilliance and wit, with a rare talent to make even the most sober judge laugh. The press referred to his 'energetic fervor,' 'astringent intellect,' 'peppery prose,' 'acumen,' and 'affability,' all apt descriptions. He was eminently quotable, his pungent opinions so clearly stated that his words never slipped from the reader’s grasp."

Said Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg in a statement I selected from a USA Today page collecting the statements of all the Supreme Court Justices, including the retired Justices Stevens and O'Connor (though not Souter, perhaps because he's attached to inconspicuousness).

Our longtime commenter Simon sent me that link, and he has his reflections on the death of Scalia here: "Our Hero has died... Over the last decade, I have often used 'Our Hero' as a sobriquet for Justice Scalia; that was tongue-in-cheek doesn’t mean that it’s a joke.... I never met Justice Scalia, but ten years ago last month, his debate with Justice Breyer at American University changed my life. He gave me direction, focus, and  an intellectual toolkit that has shaped my approach to every question where we confront a text.... Would I be a Catholic today but for his influence? Perhaps; but if so, like a man who stumbles upon the right answer for the wrong reason (or no particular reason), it would been by blind luck, and would be a fragile, chancy thing...."

That made me look up what I said about the old Scalia-Breyer debate — back in 2005 (video of the debate is here):

June 9, 2005

"There are not two principled originalist justices on the Court today, but one."

Here's Randy Barnett's piece on the medical marijuana case. Barnett, who represented the plaintiffs, is especially critical of Justice Scalia:
It comes as no surprise that I admire Justice Thomas's opinion. His opinion now establishes that there are not two principled originalist justices on the Court today, but one. To me, this means that when it comes to enumerated federal powers, there is only one justice who is clearly willing to put the mandate of the Constitution above his or her own views of either policy or what would make a better constitution than the one enacted....

What about Justice Scalia? ... In his concurring opinion in Raich, Justice Scalia appears to put his commitment to majoritarianism over his commitment to originalism. Yet this decision does run counter to his oft-expressed insistence that the people should act to protect their un-enumerated rights in state political processes rather than in federal court. Here this is exactly what the citizens of California and ten other states have done, but Justice Scalia's new stance on the Necessary and Proper Clause leaves citizens little, if any, room to protect their liberty from federal encroachment in the future. It has always seemed significant that he never joined Justice Thomas's originalist concurrences in Lopez and Morrison. Nor does he explain why Justice Thomas's originalist dissent in Raich is historically inaccurate, which would be incumbent on him as an "originalist justice" to do. Instead, Justice Scalia now joins in expanding the reach of the Commerce Clause power beyond even that which the Court had endorsed in Wickard v. Filburn. In oral argument he admitted, "I always used to laugh at Wickard." Now it's Judge Stephen Reinhardt and the Ninth Circuit's turn to laugh.
I defended Scalia here. And I think some of his thinking was revealed at oral argument, which I wrote about here:
Justice Scalia shows some signs of agreeing with the federal government's position that it may regulate an entire market, even trivial parts of the market that seem quite separated from the ordinary trade in the product that gave rise to the motivation to control it:
Justice Antonin Scalia asked [plaintiffs' attorney Randy] Barnett how his argument of a trivial economic effect from medical marijuana would apply to federal laws protecting endangered species. Those laws ban possession of ivory or eagle feathers without regard to whether a person obtained them through interstate commerce.

"Are those laws likewise unconstitutional?'' Scalia asked.

There's more to Barnett's article than the attack on Scalia, and Barnett also has more at Volokh Conspiracy (with a very clever post title).

UPDATE: I'm reminded of this quote from the Washington Post, which I read last fall:
Scalia told [Ken Foskett, the author of "Judging Thomas: The Life and Times of Clarence Thomas,"] that Thomas "doesn't believe in stare decisis, period." Clarifying his remark, Scalia added that "if a constitutional line of authority is wrong, he would say let's get it right. I wouldn't do that."

This isn't a new revelation about the difference between the two Justices.

December 21, 2016

In the NYT "Lives They Lived" annual feature, Emily Bazelon writes about Antonin Scalia as a "skeptic about science."

The grand year-end summary of those who have died commemorates Justice Scalia with the thesis statement: "He claimed objectivity when it came to originalism, but he was a skeptic about science."

That sounds so wrong to me. I don't think Scalia "claimed objectivity when it came to originalism." I think he aspired to neutrality and thought originalism at least imposed a standard that would make it possible to call out a judge who'd lapsed into deciding that the Constitution means what he'd like it to mean.

And I don't know what is the basis for calling him "a skeptic about science" unless you just mean he was skeptical of a judge's ability to know science well enough to use it in a neutral way or that he thought that unscientific cultural beliefs could be a rational basis for democratic choices.

So far I've only read the title of Bazelon's piece. Let's see what she's come up with — whether it makes sense and is fair and whether it has an appropriate attitude to belong in the set of year-end tributes that is the the NYT's traditional "Lives They Lived" feature.

March 29, 2012

"Tony Scalia's Retirement Has Started Early."

Says Charles P. Pierce on the Esquire website.

Calling a man of Italian ancestry "Tony" when that isn't his nickname? Isn't that on the level of calling a Latino "Jose" or a black man "Leroy" (or some such stereotypical name)?

Of course, quite aside from that, the blog post is bilge:
I think Justice Antonin Scalia isn't even really trying any more. It's been clear for some time now that he's short-timing his job on the Supreme Court. The job bores him....  he's now bringing Not Giving A Fuck to an almost operatic level.
Opera... see? That's like talking about a black person and throwing in watermelon.
His "originalism" was always a shuck, even if it was consistent, which it rarely was, and even if it was principled, which it never was.... But at least, for a while, he actually tried to act like a judge in a democratic republic, and not the lost Medici pope. 
Pope? More anti-Italian (and anti-Catholic) stereotyping crap, which Pierce probably thinks is just fine, indeed hilarious, because it's against a conservative.
It is plain now that Scalia simply doesn't like the Affordable Care Act on its face.... He doesn't think that the people who would benefit from the law deserve to have a law that benefits them. On Tuesday, he pursued the absurd "broccoli" analogy... And today, apparently, he ran through every twist and turn in the act's baroque political history in an attempt to discredit the law politically, rather than as a challenge to its constitutionality. (What in hell does the "Cornhusker Kickback" — yet another term of art that the Justice borrowed from the AM radio dial — have to do with the severability argument? Is Scalia seriously making the case that a banal political compromise within the negotiations from which bill eventually is produced can affect its ultimate constitutionality? Good luck ever getting anything passed if that's the standard.)
Pierce just doesn't understand what the Cornhusker Kickback has to do with the severability argument. He smears Scalia, but he doesn't do the basic work of fathoming the argument. He denounces without earning the right to denounce, and instead of saying anything of any value about law he flips out over into the ethnic insults.

Here's the portion of the severability argument — transcript PDF — where Scalia talks about the Cornhusker Kickback:

July 17, 2015

Erwin Chemerinsky blames Justice Scalia for causing these law students today to put "derision and ad hominem barbs" in their legal arguments.

In a column in the L.A. Times, which cites some examples of Scalia's vivid insults.

The examples are familiar, because they are precisely what tends to appear in the news articles. If we're casting blame, we should also blame the reporters who cherry-pick Scalia's colorful phrases, for example, calling something Justice Kennedy wrote the "mystical aphorisms of the fortune cookie."

Judicial writing is usually so bland and verbose — what a deadly combination! — that we readers of court opinions do naturally perk up when we encounter something like "mystical aphorisms of the fortune cookie."

But if we were choosing what to read — like when we pick out a novel — phrases on the level of "mystical aphorisms of the fortune cookie" would seem pretty pulpy and bad. But in a legal opinion, it's something. A little air. It's overvalued. I can see how it leads students astray.

There's something to be learned from the mood boost we get when, in the slog through judicial writing, we encounter one of Scalia's insults. But legal writers who don't themselves have the luxury of sitting in judgment had better adapt the lesson to suit their position of trying to persuade judge.

Be clear and vivid, but not jerky. Attack arguments, not people. Make careful calls about language.

I've always remembered an anecdote I heard long ago, about lawyers who mulled over whether they could use the word "stupid" in a brief in response to an argument that absolutely was stupid. After much discussion, they hit upon the mot juste: "fatuous." See my point? The lesson is: Think it through. You don't have to be dull, but don't stoop. Remember the stupid/fatuous distinction.

Chemerinsky's piece doesn't get this far. It's too weighed down with contempt for Scalia. And the last sentence is weird and telling:
If legal professionals ignore Scalia's meanness or — worse — pass around his insults at cocktail parties like Wildean witticisms, they'll encourage a new generation of peevish, callous scoffers.
Where are these cocktail parties with people who fancy themselves Wildean expressing admiration for Antonin Scalia? In the law school environment I know, I hear peevish, callous scoffing at Justice Scalia.

The mere mention of his name — said in a particular tone — is treated as a chuckle-worthy barb. My students frequently show that they've been encouraged to peevishly scoff at Scalia. In class, there will be occasions where I've put a student in the position of having to explain something Scalia has written, and he will begin, dismissively, "Well, it's Scalia," and the class will titter.

July 22, 2013

"Scalia opened his talk with a reference to the Holocaust, which happened to occur in a society that was, at the time, 'the most advanced country in the world.'"

"One of the many mistakes that Germany made in the 1930s was that judges began to interpret the law in ways that reflected 'the spirit of the age.' When judges accept this sort of moral authority, as Scalia claims they’re doing now in the U.S., they get themselves and society into trouble."

The Aspen Times reports. That's linked in the NYT, by Juliet Lapidos, who says "Justice Scalia brought Godwin’s Law to Snowmass, suggesting in an address to the Utah State Bar Association that activist judges helped bring about the Holocaust."

Was Scalia within Godwin's Law? At The Atlantic, Abby Ohlheiser says he "approaches Godwin's Law," and takes the trouble to explain the law: "Eventually, as Godwin's law scholars are well aware, any online discussion will produce a comparison to Hitler or the Nazis."

Here's the Wikipedia article on Godwin's law. Excerpt:
Godwin's law applies especially to inappropriate, inordinate, or hyperbolic comparisons of other situations (or one's opponent) with Nazis – often referred to as "playing the Hitler card."...
While falling afoul of Godwin's law tends to cause the individual making the comparison to lose his argument or credibility, Godwin's law itself can be abused as a distraction, diversion or even as censorship, fallaciously miscasting an opponent's argument as hyperbole when the comparisons made by the argument are actually appropriate.
So: Was Scalia's reference an exaggerated playing of the Hitler card or are his critics guilty of abusively invoking Godwin? I wouldn't answer without the full transcript of the speech. It would also be interesting to know whether these Godwin-invoking critics, who also don't have the transcript, just don't like Scalia anyway.

ADDED: An emailer who attended the Scalia event puts the remarks into context and makes the NYT and others look quite foolish for handling this matter the way they did:

November 28, 2013

Why is Linda Greenhouse singling out Justice Scalia in this op-ed about the question of religious exemptions to the Affordable Care Act?

The Supreme Court granted cert. in the Hobby Lobby case, in which a business seeks to avoid the requirement to provide coverage for abortifacient-type birth control on the ground that it burdens its free exercise of religion and is not justified by a compelling government interest. This claim is based on the Religious Freedom Restoration Act, a statute that was designed to give religious believers rights that the Supreme Court had recently determined were not guaranteed by the Free Exercise Clause of the Constitution. The case that restricted the scope of the Free Exercise Clause was Employment Division v. Smith, and the majority opinion was written by Antonin Scalia.

That is, of all the Supreme Court Justices who have resisted constitutional arguments for giving special exemptions for religion, the first name on your list should be Antonin Scalia!

But Linda Greenhouse's piece ends:

January 14, 2005

TiVo-blogging the Scalia-Breyer debate.

I TiVo-blogged the C-Span feed of the Justice Scalia/Justice Breyer debate about the use of foreign law in American constitutional interpretation that took place yesterday afternoon at American University. I made my contemporaneous typings late last night, after a hard day's work and while drinking a glass of red wine, and let me post them now before I taint my impressions with any of the news reports, about which I'll blog in the next post. Here goes.

When the law school dean's introduction refers to the two Justices as "towering figures," the audience laughs and then we see a close-up of Justice Scalia. Presumably, he had some amusing reaction to the phrase, but the C-Span editing is too late to include us in the hijinks.

The Justices are sitting in gold brocade wing chairs, symbolizing the grandeur of the occasion. This gives a certain international look to the set: it resembles a meeting of Chinese leaders and not any sort of American scholarly event I've ever seen.

The introductory speeches are long, and Scalia betrays some impatience, tapping his hands on the chair arms. Justice Breyer places his fingers on his lips and gazes upwards, looking (to me) like one of the apostles.

Finally, the moderator, Norman Dorsen, is given the microphone. Dorsen reads the résumés of the two Justices and emphasizes the similarity of their backgrounds. Surprise: they both went to Harvard!

Dorsen is going to begin with some questions and then get out of the way. What body of foreign law are we talking about? Just foreign constitutional law or the interpretation of international treaties? How are we talking about using this law: as authority or just for whatever persuasive value it may happen to have? Why are we using foreign law: to enhance the legitimacy of our decisions within the U.S. or to the rest of the world?

Justice Scalia goes first and says you really should ask Justice Breyer and not me, because I don't use foreign law (except to interpret treaties). In constitutional law, it might be "nice" to know our law is like that of the rest of the world, but it isn't. The Framers would have been "appalled" if you'd have told them what they were doing is making us like the rest of the world. They didn't have much respect for European countries. He notes that Madison was contemptuous of countries that were "afraid" to let their citizens bear arms.

Scalia suggests that people who want to use foreign law want to use it selectively. They never say let's abandon the exclusionary rule or strong abortion rights because other countries don't have these things. And they only want to use the foreign law that supports what they want to do anyway, as in Lawrence, when the foreign law that supported the decriminalization of homosexual sodomy was cited, but foreign law that did not was avoided. Obviously, they don't want it to be authority. So then what is the criterion for using it? Whenever it agrees with you?

Justice Breyer says law "emerges" and the Supreme Court is just part of a "conversation" about what law is. Judges, professors, law students, lawyers – all are part of this "giant, messy -- unbelievably messy -- conversation." So Justices need to get out more, he says. Then he cracks a joke about how he's only been recognized as a Supreme Court Justice out in public ten times, and nine of those times, he was thought to be Justice Souter.

Scalia tries to top him, saying Breyer pretends to be Justice Souter on those occasions. (That reminds me of the fact that, years ago, strangers would sometimes ask my father for his autograph. He looked like Frank Sinatra, so he would sign "Frank Sinatra" for them.)

Breyer says people naturally cite what is "useful." Of course, it doesn't "bind" the court, but foreign judges "are human beings," and they have problems to solve, and the ways they've figured out to solve problems are useful to us "if it's similar enough." Why shouldn't I read it? And if I read it, why shouldn't I cite it? They cite us. And if we cite them, it might help them establish the rule of law where they are.

He talks about his own uncertainties, notably in the school vouchers case. He was influenced by France and Britain, which subsidize religious schools. What he believes in doing is "opening your eyes to things that are going on elsewhere -- use it for what it's worth." He notes that one of the reasons for the controversy is that the citation of foreign law has come up in the context of gay rights, abortion, and the death penalty – and these are already controversial subjects.

Back to Scalia: Judges who cast about for cases from other countries are really only looking inside themselves, for their own moral perceptions. But he doesn't want "that responsibility." He's only willing to look at old English cases. "I sleep very well at night, because I read old English cases. And there's my answer. " Scalia's point in this debate is really the same point he always makes about constitutional interpretation.

Breyer: You look other places precisely because you don't trust your own opinions.

Scalia: The only reason it can make sense to you to think it matters what some judge in another country thinks is because in fact you DO trust your own opinion.

Basically, Breyer is claiming a kind of humility in looking to what others think, which Scalia portrays as cloaked arrogance.

About halfway through the session, the two Justices have clearly made their points. It goes on and the clear points are restated clearly, but I won't trouble you with resummarizing them. Finally, members of the audience ask questions, and the questioners don't resist the temptation to give little speeches and ramble through multiple questions. It is very late, and I mentioned that glass of wine, but my impression is that nothing new is said.

UPDATE: The armchairs look international, as noted above, and thus symbolically support the Breyer side of the debate.

November 19, 2016

Did Justice Scalia win the election?

Ted Cruz says so, but only in the weak sense:
"President-elect Trump assured the American people that if elected, he would nominate a constitutionalist in the mold of Justice Scalia. So in a very real respect, Justice Scalia was on the ballot as well. And thanks to the historic victory we saw last week, it gives me immense pleasure to say the people have spoken and Justice Scalia has won as well."
Consider whether Justice Scalia won the election in the strong sense of winning the election.

How would the election have played out if Justice Scalia had not died and left a seat — the seat that tips the Court left or right — to be filled by the new President? How many voters decided based on that factor, and of the voters within that set, did they vote more for Trump or for Hillary? If Scalia had remained alive, perhaps conservatives would have felt more complacent that the balance of the Court would remain the same, but I think that people on both sides would have thought about the Supreme Court less. Yet even with that empty seat staring us in the face, we didn't make that much out of the power to tip the Court in the direction we prefer.

So I'd say for 2 reasons Scalia did not — in the strong sense — win the election: 1. Not many votes were determined by the vacancy on the Supreme Court, and 2. Of the votes that were determined by concern about which way to tip the Court, Hillary probably got as many as Trump — perhaps a lot more.

Did Justice Scalia win the election?
 
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Subsidiary poll to help think about the question:

Which is the more powerful political plea?
 
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June 26, 2008

"It is not a right to keep and carry any weapon whatsoever in any manner whatsoever and for whatever purpose."

Writes Justice Scalia, for the majority, in the D.C. guns case, accoring to David Stout's report in the NYT [UPDATE: The link no longer goes to the David Stout article, which I can't find on line at all anymore!]
Justice Antonin Scalia, writing for the majority in the landmark 5-to-4 decision, said the Constitution does not allow “the absolute prohibition of handguns held and used for self-defense in the home.”...

But the court held that the individual right to possess a gun “for traditionally lawful purposes, such as self-defense within the home” is not unlimited....

The ruling does not mean, for instance, that laws against carrying concealed weapons are to be swept aside. Furthermore, Justice Scalia wrote, “The court’s opinion should not be taken to cast doubt on longstanding prohibitions on the possession of firearms by felons and the mentally ill, or laws forbidding the carrying of firearms in sensitive places such as schools and government buildings, or laws imposing conditions and qualifications on the commercial sale of arms.”...

“The amendment’s prefatory clause announces a purpose, but does not limit or expand the scope of the second clause,” wrote Justice Scalia. “The operative clause’s text and history demonstrate that it connotes an individual right to keep and bear arms.”

Not at all, Justice Stevens countered, asserting that the majority “stakes its holding on a strained and unpersuasive reading of the amendment’s text.”
Stout informs us that Scalia "clearly takes pride in his writing as well as his reasoning" and in the same sentence writes that he applied "adjectives like 'frivolous' and 'bizarre'" to the dissenting opinion.

I wonder what "adjectives like 'frivolous' and 'bizarre'" Scalia used. Empty-headed? Featherbrained? flighty? Frothy? Giddy? Harebrained? Lighthearted? Scatterbrained? Silly? Gaga? Birdbrained? Dizzy? Cranky? Curious? Eccentric? Erratic? Freakish? Idiosyncratic? Odd? Outlandish? Peculiar? Quaint? Queer? Quirky? Singular? Strange? Unnatural? Unusual? Weird? Kooky? Screwball?

Oh... you mean he actually used the words "frivolous" and "bizarre"? I see.

Well, then I wonder how Stout knows Scalia "clearly takes pride in his writing as well as his reasoning." Did the use of the words "frivolous" and "bizarre" somehow imply that pride or is the evidence elsewhere and we're just supposed to know it? (Or do you just not want to plug his book?)

Oh, no! Reading Stout (and Liptak) today, I'm nagged by the question What would Greenhouse have written? Would Linda Greenhouse have inserted commentary about Scalia pride?
Not to be outdone, Justice Stevens called the majority’s interpretation of the Second Amendment “overwrought and novel” and said it “calls to mind the parable of the six blind men and the elephant”...
Would Linda Greenhouse have imputed that competitive motivation to Stevens's choice of words? Stout's writing has something of the problem that plagued Jeffrey Toobin's book "The Nine." For narrative effect, the Court is portrayed as a psychodrama. [UPDATE: Since my link now goes to the Linda Greenhouse report, you can read it and answer my question! The answer is: No.]

***

Stout tells us how McCain and Obama reacted to the case:
“I applaud this decision as well as the overturning of the District of Columbia’s ban on handguns and limitations on the ability to use firearms for self-defense,” Mr. McCain said in a statement, which contained a reminder that his Democratic nominee, Senator Barack Obama of Illinois, refused to join him in signing an amicus brief in support of overturning the district’s law.

Indeed, Mr. Obama’s view, expressed in a statement, was more nuanced than Mr. McCain’s.
More nuanced!
“I have always believed that the Second Amendment protects the right of individuals to bear arms, but I also identify with the need for crime-ravaged communities to save their children from the violence that plagues our streets through common-sense, effective safety measures,” Mr. Obama said, predicting that the ruling would provide needed guidance for lawmakers.
Is that nuance or the same point Scalia acknowledged, that the rights don't preclude regulation? What I think is telling in Obama's statement is the mismatch between concern about "crime-ravaged communities" and "violence" on the one hand and, on the other, the desire for "safety measures."

March 29, 2006

"I am, by the way, an American jurist."

Wrote Justice Scalia, chiding the Boston Herald for referring to him as an "Italian jurist." It's all part of today's best tempest in a teapot -- better than boiled babies -- that little scuffle we might call Italianhandgesturegate:
"Your reporter, an up-and-coming 'gotcha' star named Laurel J. Sweet, asked me (o-so-sweetly) what I said to those people. . .," Scalia wrote to Executive Editor Kenneth A. Chandler. “I responded, jocularly, with a gesture that consisted of fanning the fingers of my right hand under my chin. Seeing that she did not understand, I said, 'That’s Sicilian,' and explained its meaning."

In his letter, Scalia goes on to cite Luigi Barzini's book, "The Italians": "'The extended fingers of one hand moving slowly back and forth under the raised chin means: "I couldn’t care less. It’s no business of mine. Count me out."'"

"From watching too many episodes of the Sopranos, your staff seems to have acquired the belief that any Sicilian gesture is obscene - especially when made by an 'Italian jurist.' (I am, by the way, an American jurist.)"
(Do you think Scalia watches "The Sopranos"?)

Anyway... "I responded, jocularly, with a gesture..." If a reporter asks a question and gets only a hand gesture as a response, what exactly makes it read as "jocular"? Isn't there something inherently brusque if not rude about only gesturing? It's a dismissive gesture too. And he concedes she asked "sweetly" -- though perhaps he's only keen about wordplay and he did not know how to restrain himself. Couldn't she justly have been taken aback at getting a gesture? Is it fair to peg her as playing gotcha?

As to the explanation, "That’s Sicilian" -- that's more complex. If a person hears that as threatening, is she being prejudiced, thinking too quickly of Mafiosi? How did he say it? Was he giving it a tough guy nudge? He chose to say "Sicilian," not "Italian." Are we wrong to pick up a Sopranos vibe?

I'm not saying Sweet didn't have to research the meaning of the gesture, and I'm not saying Scalia shouldn't have written the letter. I love the letter! It's hilarious!

CORRECTION: I originally wrote that the Boston Herald called Scalia an "Italian-American jurist," which I read here. They called him an "Italian jurist," much worse, of course.

UPDATE: Well, now the Herald has a photograph and, though Scalia lookes reasonably "jocular" in the picture, the photographer is saying "'The judge paused for a second, then looked directly into my lens and said, 'To my critics, I say, ‘Vaffanculo.'" Sweet won't confirm that Scalia said that word, which really is an obscenity. Remember when Scalia was saying his kids said he should get out more because it "it makes it harder to demonize you"?

November 1, 2005

That Alito/Scalia contrast again.

Here's a free link to get to Akiba Covitz's TNR piece saying why Alito is not the same as Scalia. The article mostly contrasts the personalities of the two men -- and goes quite far in painting Scalia as an unpleasant person. It picks out a single case to portray Alito as less than "a caustic conservative":
In the 2003 case Williams v. Price, ... Alito wrote the majority opinion overturning a lower court decision in which a convicted first-degree murderer was not permitted to call into question his verdict after a juror was heard making racist comments. This was a grisly murder and just the kind of annoying habeas petition that those of Scalia's ilk think clog the judicial system. To his credit, Alito authored the opinion that provided for a new hearing.
In fairness, we could also pull out a few Scalia opinions that would resonate for liberals. Really, even Scalia is not the caricature that is used in these contrasts. But the challenge should be to understand Alito. Must Scalia distract us? The strongest reason for continuing to talk about Scalia is that the President campaigned on the promise that he would nominate persons like Scalia and Thomas. So why aren't we talking about Thomas too? Because Thomas isn't Italian?

January 4, 2005

Can Reid read?

Despite the tweaking of the previous post, I think James Taranto does great work on Best of the Web. In fact, the real reason I looked over there today was at the behest of an emailer who was interested in what he wrote here about Senator Reid's continuing idiocy about Justice Thomas. On "Inside Politics" on December 26th, it turns out, Reid was asked to back up his earlier statement that Justice Thomas's opinons are "poorly written." Can he name one opinion?
Oh sure, that's easy to do. You take the Hillside Dairy case. In that case you had a dissent written by Scalia and a dissent written by Thomas. There--it's like looking at an eighth-grade dissertation compared to somebody who just graduated from Harvard.

Scalia's is well reasoned. He doesn't want to turn stare decisis precedent on its head. That's what Thomas wants to do. So yes, I think he has written a very poor opinion there and he's written other opinions that are not very good.

As Taranto notes, the case Reid cites doesn't even have a Scalia dissent, so Reid's answer says something about Reid's poor reading, but nothing about Thomas's writing compared to Scalia's. Maybe he meant to compare Thomas's dissent to Stevens's long majority opinion. Well, "Scalia" and "Stevens" do both start with an "S," and maybe someone who reids reads on a first grade level might get confused. But it's not as if the two Justices were asked to write essays of a particular length and Thomas couldn't do it. Thomas wrote the sort of brief dissent that cites an earlier dissent that already explains the reason for dissenting. This is absolutely standard and much appreciated by readers of court opinions. In the case Thomas cites, Camps Newfound/Owatonna, Justice Thomas writes a very long, scholarly opinion about the negative commerce clause (and, as Taranto notes, Justice Scalia, joins that opinion!).

It's certainly true that Thomas's position on the negative (or "dormant") commerce clause would overturn a lot of precedent. Reid and other Thomas opponents really are worried that a reconfigured Court might change too many things that people have come to rely on. In fact, as I blogged here, Justice Scalia has been critical of Justice Thomas for not having enough respect for precedent. Of course, if this is the distinction between Thomas and Scalia that Reid is hoping to highlight, he's doing a pathetic job of it by citing an opinion in an area where Scalia has agreed with Thomas.

There is good reason to worry about the changes Thomas would make in this and other areas of constitutional law if he had enough votes, but it doesn't have anything to do with poor writing. Is Reid a racist for impugning Thomas's intelligence? He's an idiot for saying things that make him look like a racist, but I doubt that he is. I think he is resorting to the Thomas-is-too-dumb message because he thinks he can't openly say what he really thinks: that he doesn't like the outcomes in Thomas's opinions. As I've said before, the Senators think they need to oppose a judicial nominee with something other than the will to make the cases come out the way they want. That makes it a lot harder for them to talk about how they are handling nominations, and Senator Reid does not really seem to be up to the delicate maneuvering that will be needed if the Democrats are going to have some measure of power in the coming confirmation processes.

April 28, 2008

Let's read an excerpt from Justice Scalia's book "Making Your Case: The Art of Persuading Judges."

Last night, on "60 Minutes," Justice Scalia talked about his new book — written with legal writing whiz Bryan Garner — "Making Your Case: Making Your Case: The Art of Persuading Judges." Now, the ABA Journal provides a nice, long excerpt.

The Journal also quotes me in the intro, saying I "constantly dearly" wish the other Justices would write as well as Scalia. "Constantly dearly" — oh, good Lord, I wonder what Bryan Garner thinks of that sort of writing. It sounds like I'm having a Harlequin romance with the pugnacious jurist. I just wrote "pugnacious jurist" as a language joke to try to make Bryan Garner laugh. Anyway, I had to dig deeply, industriously, to find the old post where I said "constantly dearly" in some fulsome plaudit to the scrappy jurisprudent. It was way back in May 2004, in the fifth month of the blog:
Slogging through Supreme Court opinions and imposing them on my students, I constantly dearly wish all the Justices would write like Scalia (or Jackson or Holmes, to whom Scalia is compared elsewhere in the article). Like most law review articles, the Justices' opinions are usually written in a characterless, "learned" tone. Does persuasion consist of boring your opponent into submission? If you were going to write ten (or twenty or forty) pages that thousands of students were going to meticuously study, shouldn't you take the trouble--the opportunity!--to write something engaging? Reading the opinions of the other Justices, I often suspect the point is to give everything a look of tedious, unexceptionable regularity to disguise all the seams and shortcomings.
I guess I could write a book aimed at judges — "Writing Your Case: The Art of Enlightening the People Who Ought to Believe You Deserve Your Vast Power." But Scalia and Garner are writing to the lawyers who must beseech those judges, and let's get to the excerpt:
In brief-writing, one feature of a good style trumps all others. Literary elegance, erudition, sophistication of expression—these and all other qualities must be sac­rificed if they detract from clarity....

[Shun] puffed-up, legalistic language. Make your points and ask for your relief in a blunt, straightforward manner....

The clearer your arguments, the harder it will be for your opponent to mischaracterize them. Put yourself in the shoes of a lawyer confronting an opposing brief that is almost incomprehensible. You struggle to figure out what it means—and so does the court. What an opportunity to characterize the opposing argument in a way that makes it weak!
This is great stuff. Writing a book like this, the co-authors had to make sure their own writing style was terrific.

It's a long excerpt, so go to the link and read the whole thing or, better, buy the book. I'll just pick out some highlights.

1. Now, we have a Scalia cite for the important point that it's just fine to begin a sentence with a conjunction:
There’s a myth abroad that you should never begin a sentence with a conjunction. But look at any species of reputable writing—whether it’s a good newspaper, journal, novel or nonfiction work—and you’re likely to find several sentences per page beginning with one of those little connectives. You can hardly achieve a flowing narrative or argument without them.
And Virginia Woolf begins a whole book with one.

2. Don't be boring! It's the loser's way to try to look legalistic.
Banish jargon, hackneyed expressions and needless Latin. By “jargon” we mean the words and phrases used almost exclusively by lawyers in place of plain-English words and phrases that express the same thought. Jargon adds nothing but a phony air of expertise. A nexus, for example, is nothing more or less than a link or a connection. And what is the instant case? Does it have anything to do with instant coffee? Alas, to tell the truth, it’s no different from this case or even here.
We readers of Scalia opinions already know he loathes the word "nexus."

3. Stop saying "fatally flawed," "flies in the face of," "painting with a broad brush," and all those other things that you imagine make you sound like a lawyer. They just make you sound like a hack. Don't say "beyond peradventure." Ha ha. I have been making fun of the use of "beyond peradventure" for a long time. (See my old post "It cannot be gainsaid" — which is aimed at judicial writing.)

4. They tell us to avoid Latin phrases like ceteris paribus, inter alia, mutatis mutandis and pari passu. And I was just about to cite Scalia opinions that use them when I was brought up short by the next 2 sentences: "Judges are permitted to show off in this fashion, but lawyers must not. And the judge who does not happen to know the obscure Latin phrase you have flaunted will think you a twit." So the judge is allowed to lord it over you in a way that you dare not lord it over him? Are we talking strategy now or good writing? I contend that the judge ought to talk straight and not be any more obscure than the material requires. The judge is wielding power and ought to feel compelled constantly (dearly!) to prove to us that he deserves it. With those Latin phrases, it's as if he's chortling ha, ha, I have the power. I wonder if the judicial exception was in the first draft. I'm picturing Scalia making additions to a passage composed by Garner.

Oh, even my highlights are going on too long for a blog post, mainly because the text is inspiring commentary — which is an excellent thing. So I'll stop here for now. More highlights with commentary later. Buy the book and read along with me.

December 27, 2013

Did the judge in the Utah same-sex marriage case "give Justice Scalia the finger"?

So said lawprof Jason Mazzone, blogging at Balkinization, quoted today in the NYT in a piece titled "Utah Ruling Means No Respite for the Supreme Court on Same-Sex Marriage," by Adam Liptak. Liptak writes that the U.S. Supreme Court might have hoped, after this year's 2 somewhat modest same-sex marriage cases, to put off the big same-sex marriage question — whether there is a right to same-sex marriage — for a few more years. But the Utah case, it seems, is crushing that hope:
... Judge Shelby’s decision will certainly get the justices’ attention. He acknowledged, for starters, that the Supreme Court’s 5-to-4 decision striking down part of the Defense of Marriage Act, United States v. Windsor, could be read to support either side in his case....

To resolve the tension, Judge Shelby looked to Justice Antonin Scalia’s dissenting opinion in Windsor.

“The view that this court will take of state prohibition of same-sex marriage is indicated beyond mistaking by today’s opinion,” Justice Scalia wrote.

Judge Shelby wrote, referring to himself, that “the court agrees with Justice Scalia’s interpretation of Windsor.”
Is that "giv[ing] Justice Scalia the finger"? Scalia did what many dissenting opinions do: call attention to the implications of the principle established by the majority, which the majority — posing as modest and incremental — coyly pretends are not there. If Professor Mazzone is right, and Judge Shelby meant to say "fuck you" to Justice Scalia, then it must be acknowledged that Justice Scalia was asking for it.

October 14, 2020

"Justices Scalia and Thomas disagreed often enough that my friend, Judge Melissa Parr, teaches a class called Scalia Versus Thomas..."/"Well, I’ll wait till the movie comes out."

From "Amy Coney Barrett Senate Confirmation Hearing Day 2 Transcript." 

Lindsey Graham made a joke. The class title — "Scalia Versus Thomas" — must have reminded him of all those movie titles — like "Godzilla vs. Rodan." 

Jokes are telling. Isn't it interesting that they're all gathered to grill Barrett on her judicial methods, the question on the floor is "People say that you’re a female Scalia. What would you say?," she's trying to explicate the details, and the pushback is something that translates to: Hey, keep it simple for us dummies and low-attention folk. You're getting into the weeds

Here's her full answer leading up to Graham's joke. It's not even long: