The Dallas Morning News reports:The 2003 boundaries helped Republicans win 21 of the state's 32 seats in Congress in the last election— up from 15. They were approved amid a nasty battle between Republican leaders and Democrats and minority groups in Texas.
The contentiousness also reached Washington, where the Justice Department approved the plan although staff lawyers concluded that it diluted minority voting rights. Because of historic discrimination against minority voters, Texas is required to get Justice Department approval for any voting changes to ensure they don't undercut minority voting....
The legal battle at the Supreme Court was over the unusual timing of the Texas redistricting, among other things. Under the Constitution, states must adjust their congressional district lines every 10 years to account for population shifts.
But in Texas the boundaries were redrawn twice after the 2000 census, first by a court, then by state lawmakers in a second round promoted by DeLay.
SCOTUSblog says this is a surprise, because "the Court had never asked for a response from the state of Texas, which had waived that opportunity, and the Court had examined the question of hearing the cases six different times at its private conferences."
Of the seven pending cases challenging the plan, the Court agreed to hear four. Those four raise all of the key issues, including whether the Court can fashion a standard for judging when partisan gerrymandering is excessive, and whether it is unconstitutional for a state to undertake a new round of congressional redistricting within the same decade when a valid plan is already in place. In addition, the cases raise issues about race and ethnic bias in some of the new district boundary line-drawing. The three cases the Court did not grant raised overlapping issues.
Setting a standard for the judicial scrutiny of gerrymandering is a problem that has dogged the Court. But as long as it is staying in the business of monitoring political redistricting, it seems necessary for it to take a case of this importance. Perhaps it will use this occasion, however, to set a clear standard for bowing out of these controversies altogether.
7 comments:
This is going to be interesting, because two members of Justice Scalia's Vieth (541 U.S. 267) plurality will be gone by the time the case is handed down, Rehnquist and O'Connor. Given that the judiciary committee has already committed itself to asking Alito questions about Reynolds and Baker, and given the short focus of most Senators, this case's presence on the docket will likely make questions about redistricting predominant at the Alito hearings, n'est ce pas?
This case seems to present a good opportunity to observe the new Chief's small group dynamic skills and his analytical prowress.
Vnjagvet: Yes, exactly. We will be watching for a demonstration of the Chief's powers, which I imagine to be very great.
Oops, prowess, not prowess.
I am amazed at how the news reports leave out what seems to me the most salient fact.
The staff memo predicted reduced minority representation.
They were wrong.
The election results under the new plan were an additional black representative and an additional hispanic.
John,
That is interesting, I was not aware of that. Though it is also not neccesarily determinative. It's not hard to imagine a 'gaming of the system' by a party to show no short term retrogression in terms of 'minority officials'. I'm not saying that's what happened, because I have no info on the ground.
"The staff memo predicted reduced minority representation. They were wrong."
No they weren't. The Democrats won fewer seats! ;)
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