The Minnesota Supreme Court said no, in reasoning that I think is wrong. From the opinion (which I don't have a link for). [CORRECTION: This passage is not from the opinion but from the brief for the state of Minnesota (PDF). Here's the state court's opinion (PDF).]
If the Griffith-Teague retroactivity doctrine did not apply in state courts, supremacy and uniformity problems would be magnified because federal review of state post-conviction proceedings – in both habeas proceedings and direct review by this Court – would be unavailable for decisions that do not follow Teague. The lack of federal review deprives the state decision of constitutional legitimacy. Even if not Teague barred, this Court’s review would ratify state created federal constitutional disparity into its decisions by reviewing the claims of similarly situated collateral review defendants according to different constitutional standards.These may be reasons why a state court might want to adopt nonretroactivity as a matter of state law, but that doesn't explain why federal law requires state courts to avoid applying the current rules of federal constitutional law.
The Griffith-Teague doctrine also vindicates federal constitutional values of finality and federalism. Finality interests identified in Teague are not unique to federal habeas review. They are present and protected by Teague in the context of federal collateral review of federal convictions as well as in review by this Court of federal issues arising in state collateral proceedings. Teague also serves the comity interest of validating the reasonable interpretation of existing federal constitutional rules made by state courts – an interest not limited to the federal habeas context. Whether a federal or state judge asserts a new federal constitutional rule to invalidate a reasonable state court interpretation of a federal constitutional rule the state finality interest is subverted.
Against strong supremacy, judicial integrity, finality, and federalism values, Petitioner asserts a state interest in selectively creating enhanced or preferred federal constitutional rights that apply only to citizens of that state. This is not a legitimate state interest. If a state wishes to create preferred rights for its citizens, respect for the political rights of the citizens of the state require a state do so under its own state law subject to the state legal and political constraints attendant to state law decisions. Anything less simply cloaks state law decisions under an illegitimately claimed federal authority for the purpose of avoiding accountability to state citizens.
What the federal courts can do is governed by the federal habeas statutes, which the U.S. Supreme Court interpreted in Teague. Everything the Court said about comity and finality in Teague related to the way federal court should treat state courts (which conducted the original trial before the new rule was announced). Why should this limit on federal habeas jurisdiction carry over to the state courts if the state, under its own law, chooses to revisit cases that have become final but were decided under the old rule of constitutional law?
Danforth was tried for sexual abuse of a child whose testimony was presented on videotape, something the Supreme Court, in Crawford v. Washington, said violates the Sixth Amendment right to confront the witnesses against you. But since Crawford was decided after Danforth's conviction became final, he can't ask a federal court, on habeas, to give him a new trial in which he has the opportunity to confront the witness. Should the state therefore be prevented from offering him that relief? I think not.
The idea is that state judges who have a broader conception of rights than the citizens of the state will decide cases the way they like and make it seem that federal law requires it. But federal law does require live testimony in the situation that Danforth encountered. It is simply the case that under federal jurisdiction law, the federal courts won't force the state courts to redo the trial. If the state courts were to apply the federal right anyway, they would be applying a real federal right and following state law jurisdiction rules. If the citizens of the state don't like that, they can change that jurisdiction law.
There are some more complicated angles to this, and I will write more after the oral argument becomes available.
ADDED: Scotusblog reports on the oral argument:
The Court... debated whether Teague was a decision about “rights” or only about “remedies,” whether it was both because a remedy is part of the “substance” of the right, whether it was a constitutionally grounded ruling or merely an interpretation of federal habeas statutes, whether it involved no more than a gesture of respect and “comity” toward state courts or was a directive that the states had no choice but to follow. At the end of the one-hour hearing, there was no visible consensus on what Teague now means, or on the legal authority that the Court had to make the ruling.I'll have more when I've read the transcript of the argument. This case concerns something I've been writing about since the mid-80s, and, though the Minnesota Supreme Court says things very similar to what I've been teaching in my Federal Courts class for more than 20 years, I disagree adamantly with its conclusion. I realize many of my readers may think this is obscure and overcomplicated, but to me, it is perhaps the most interesting case I've seen in 20 years.